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INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION 

SPECIAL BULLETIN 



GREAT BRITAIN AND GERMANY 

A STUDY IN NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS 




BY 
THE RIGHT HONORABLE VISCOUNT HALDANE 

BRITISH SECRETARY OF STATE FOR WAR 

MARCH, 1912 



American Association for International Conciliation 

Sub-station 84 (407 West 117th Street) 

New York City 



INTRODUCTORY 

In response to many requests, the Association for 
International Conciliation takes pleasure in printing 
for circulation in the United States a limited edition 
of the important address, " Great Britain and Ger- 
many; A Study in National Characteristics," deliv- 
ered by Viscount Haldane at the University of 
Oxford, on August 3, 191 1. This address was made 
at a time when pubHc opinion, both in Great Britain 
and in Germany, was in an excited state. Revealing 
as it did that an influential member of the British 
Cabinet had a keen and sympathetic insight into the 
life and spirit of the German people, it seemed to the 
Association for International Conciliation that the 
address should be brought promptly to the attention 
of the German reading public. Through the coop- 
eration and under the supervision of Mr. Alfred H. 
Fried, of Vienna, the address was translated into 
German and a very large edition of it was distrib- 
uted throughout Germany. There is every reason to 
believe that the effect of this action was helpful to 
the cause of peace and international good will. 

Nicholas Murray Butler 
March i, 1912. 



^^H%' 



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GREAT BRITAIN AND GERMANY 

It was not without hesitation that I accepted the in- 
vitation to speak to you on this occasion. It is never 
easy to make a satisfactory appreciation of a country 
to which one stands in the relation of a foreigner. 
Those who try are sure to misjudge much and to miss 
more. Germany, moreover, is for us Britons, owing 
to reasons which I shall try to explain, a specially 
difficult country to understand. Its people possess 
traits so like those of our own that we are apt to 
overlook those other traits in which they are pro- 
foundly unlike. Hence arise misinterpretations and 
disappointments on both sides of the German Ocean. 

Nevertheless, a period in history has arrived when 
it becomes the duty of public men in each country to 
endeavor to follow and fathom the currents of public 
life and opinion in the other. To this end the study 
of national spirit is essential. How often have I seen 
in the newspapers of both Germany and England ar- 
ticles which missed the point and attributed unreal 
motives, simply because the writers were wanting in 
knowledge! And what is true of journaHsts may be 
true even of statesmen. 

In Oxford people sometimes dare to use language 
which they would not venture on in Parliament. 
Moreover, some of you who are listening are Ger- 
mans and professors besides. I will, therefore, take 
my life in my hand, and suggest to you a racial dif- 
ference in habit of mind, to be stated thus: The 
Englishman acts der Vorstellung nach. The German 
dem Begriffe nach. The Englishman has, less often 
than the German, formed in his mind an abstract 
principle or plan before he moves. This is so partly 
by habit and partly by choice. It is the outcome of 
his characteristic individualism, and experience has 
taught him that it often proves a source of strength. 
But it not infrequently proves a source of weakness. 
He constantly finds the path he has entered on 

3 



blocked by obstacles which he might have foreseen. 
" Erst wdgen dann wagen " is a maxim too valuable 
in practice to be safely neglected. It may sometimes 
paralyze action in this world of the contingent and un- 
foreseen. But those who practice it know where they 
stand, if they do not always know where to move. 

Of course people who by habit of mind act in these 
different fashions are sure to misunderstand each 
other. The effort that is requisite, even when they 
most wish to put themselves at the other point of 
view, is for the great majority too severe to be long 
sustained. 

The divergence in mental temperament is embar- 
rassing in itself. And it is made yet more embarrass- 
ing by another fact. We in this country, and I am not 
sure that the same is not true of our German cousins, 
are a little unimaginative about our neighbors. Our 
" paedagogischer Zug " is sometimes provoking. The 
lesson which Matthew Arnold sought to teach his fel- 
low citizens here when he pubHshed " Friendship's 
Garland " forty years ago has not yet been widely 
learned. We used to have friction on this account 
with the French, and, but for circumstances, we might 
have it still. We do sometimes have it with the Ger- 
mans because the circumstances happen to be not 
quite so favorable. It is, therefore, all the more de- 
sirable that we should take pains to get insight into 
the habits of thought of a great and practical nation 
with which we are being brought into an ever increas- 
ing contact, and in what I have to say to you to- 
night I will try to contribute something, however 
small, to the too contracted fund of the necessary 
knowledge. I propose to devote the bulk of this pa- 
per to an attempt to trace the growth and meaning of 
what seems to me to be the German habit of mind, 
and to a description of the reasons why the outlook 
of Germany is what it is to-day. The narrative is 
not only a deeply interesting one, but a record which 
confers a title to high distinction in the world's his- 
tory, even for a nation so great in other respects. It 

4 



IS, moreover, a narrative not the less striking because 
the changes it records all took place within a com- 
paratively short period. 

THE FOUNDATIONS OF GERMAN PRACTICAL LIFE 

The practical life of the Germany of to-day rests, 
far more than does that of Great Britain, on abstract 
and theoretical foundations. To understand it we 
must examine its intellectual development, and for 
the history of the intellectual development of German 
life the Reformation is a cardinal fact. Luther led 
the uprising of the spirit of liberty of conscience 
against the then abstract and hardly human domina- 
tion of the Church. He accomplished for a large part 
of what is to-day Germany the triumph of the in- 
dividual over an organization which had for the time 
being outgrown its mission and deteriorated into what 
was mechanical. But the price of Luther's victory 
had to be paid. You cannot set thought free for 
certain purposes only. The light of inquiry presently 
began to be turned in upon the foundations of 
Luther's own faith. That faith rested on grounds of 
a subjective character, and its authority was based 
on feeling. Now the history of the intellectual de- 
velopment of the world shows that it has never been 
safe to endeavor to divorce feeling from knowledge. 
The effort is constantly being renewed, and to-day 
even M. Bergson, the latest and most brilliant expo- 
nent of the attempt to assign a secondary place to 
knowledge and to bring back the real to the felt, 
seems to me to invite the inquirer to travel along a 
dubious path. To try to accomplish, what he, by 
the way, is careful not to attempt, the discovery of a 
safe and permanent foundation for faith in what is 
wholly divorced from reason, is from a scientific 
point of view to court speedy failure. This opinion 
has always been strongly held in Germany, and it was 
slowly but surely brought to bear on the Protestant- 
ism of Luther. That Protestantism gradually ac- 

5 



quired, in the minds of educated men, a negative 
character. It was recognized as a legitimate and nec- 
essary protest against the doctrine of the absolute 
authority of a Church. But it was also pronounced 
to be the beginning only and not the end of wisdom. 
The history of Protestantism, and of the sects into 
which it has broken itself up, show that it is not 
enough to reject the doctrine of external authority, 
but that the authority of a general system based on 
knowledge, however difficult it may be to find such 
a system, has to be sought for. When the Elector 
managed in 1529 to bring together in the conference 
at Marburg Luther and Zwingli, believing that the 
German and Swiss parties in the Reformation move- 
ment would unite their forces, he proved to be wrong. 
They got very near each other in the course of the 
conference, so far as good feeling went, and suffi- 
ciently near in words. But there was no real com- 
mon basis. The historian tells us how, at the end, 
Luther drew back, and refused to shake hands with 
the Swiss leader — " Ye are," he said, " of a different 
spirit from us." 

It was therefore natural that with a reflective peo- 
ple like the Germans a definite movement should fol- 
low that of the Reformation, a movement directed 
to the discovery of a stable basis on which religion 
might rest, a basis which should afford room for 
science and religion alike. The sense of this neces- 
sity became, on its subjective side, apparent in such 
writings as that of Lessing's "Nathan the Wise." On 
the side of abstract knowledge we see it begin in the 
metaphysics of the pre-Kantian period, of the period 
of such writers as Wolf, and in the theological Ra- 
tionalism, which was its counterpart, of such books 
as the Wolfenbiittel Fragments. But the mere re- 
action from the subjective, on which alone Luther 
had endeavored to base the claim to authority of the 
Bible, went too far to be enduring. The eighteenth 
century was a dry period for Germany until a second 
great movement arose. 

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HEINE ON LUTHER 

One of the acutest of modern critics, a critic 
whose capricious humor obscured his serious side, 
has traced the relation of the Reformation to this 
movement. Heine, who knew more about great 
things than people give him credit for, sums up 
the progress in this period. Of Luther he tells 
us that through him Germany gained freedom of 
thought. But he adds that Luther gave Germany 
not only freedom of thought but also the means of 
movement. To the spirit he gave a body, to the 
thought he gave words ; he created the German lan- 
guage by his translation of the Bible. And even more 
remarkable, he says, were Luther's songs. Sometimes 
they resemble a flower that grows on a rocky crag, 
or again a ray of moonlight trembling over a restless 
sea. And sometimes he sings to stimulate the cour- 
age of his followers and inflame himself to the fierce 
rage of battle. He refers, no doubt, to the well 
known "Ein' feste Burg ist unser Gott," when he 
says that a true battle song was the martial strain 
with which Luther and his followers marched into 
Worms. The old Cathedral trembled at those un- 
wonted tones, and the ravens, in their dark nests in 
the steeple, started with affright. That song, the 
Marseillaise of the Reformation, preserves to this day 
its inspiriting power. But, as Heine tells us, the 
spirit that Luther enchained, could not have limits set 
to its power. Reason is now man's sole lamp, and 
conscience his only staff in the dark mazes of life. 
Man now stands alone, face to face with his Creator, 
and chants his songs to Him. Hence this literary 
epoch opens with hymns. And even later, when it 
becomes secular, the most intimate self consciousness, 
the feeling of personality, rules throughout. Poetry 
is no longer objective, epic and naive, but subjective, 
lyric, and reflective. At this stage Heine brings a new 
figure on to the scene. Since Luther, he thinks, Ger- 
many has produced no greater and better man than 

7 



Gotthold Ephraim Lessing. " These two are our 
pride and our joy. In the troubles of the present we 
look back at their consoling figures, and they answer 
with a look full of bright promise. The third man 
will come also, will perfect what Luther began and 
what Lessing carried on — the third Liberator." Like 
Luther, Lessing's achievements consisted not only in 
effecting something definite, but in agitating the Ger- 
man people to its depths, and in awakening through 
his criticism and polemics a wholesome intellectual 
activity. He was the vivifying critic of his time, and 
his whole life was a polemic. His insight made itself 
felt throughout the widest range of thought and feel- 
ing — in religion, in science, and in art. Lessing, de- 
clares Heine, continued the work of Luther. After 
Luther had freed Germany from the yoke of tradi- 
tion and had exalted the Bible as the only wellspring 
of Christianity, there ensued a rigid word service, and 
the letter of the Bible ruled just as tyrannically as 
once did tradition. Lessing contributed the most to 
the emancipation from the tyranny of the letter. His 
tribune was art, for when he was excluded from the 
pulpit or the chair he sprang on to the stage, speaking 
out more boldly, and gaining a more numerous 
audience. 

HEINE ON KANT 

In the year of his death, 1781, there appeared a 
book from the pen of a still more profound revolu- 
tionary. In that year Kant published at Konigsberg 
the " Critique of Pure Reason." Heine likens the in- 
tellectual revolution which this book produced to the 
material revolution in France, and he compares, in his 
own fashion, Kant to Robespierre. " On both sides 
of the Rhine we behold the same rupture with the 
past; it is loudly proclaimed that all reverence for 
tradition is at an end. As in France no privilege, so 
in Germany no thought is tolerated without proving 
its right to exist; nothing is taken for granted. And 
as in France fell the Monarchy, the keystone of the 

8 



old social system, so in Germany fell theism, the key- 
stone of the intellectual ancien regime. It is said 
that the spirits of darkness tremble with affright 
when they behold the sword of an executioner. How, 
then, must they stand aghast when confronted with 
Kant's ' Critique of Pure Reason ' ! The book is the 
sword with which in Germany theism was decapi- 
tated. To be candid, you French are tame and mod- 
erate compared with us Germans. At most you have 
slain a King, and he had already lost his head be- 
fore he was beheaded." Then Heine draws a picture 
of Kant, with his bourgeois and methodical habits, 
and speaks of the strange contrast between the outer 
life of the man and his destructive, world-convulsing 
thoughts. Had the citizens of Konigsberg surmised 
the whole significance of these thoughts they would 
have felt a more profound awe in the presence of 
this man than in that of an executioner. But the 
good people saw in him nothing but a professor of 
philosophy." " Nature," concludes Heine, " had in- 
tended both Robespierre and Kant to weigh out sugar 
and coffee, but fate willed it otherwise, and into the 
scales of one it laid a King, into those of the other a 
God. And they both weighed correctly." 

The view of Kant's teaching which Heine suggests 
is of course deficient. Kant was constructive as well 
as critical, and he laid the foundations of a far 
greater conception of God than any that he destroyed. 
The figure of Immanuel Kant indeed is one of the 
noblest in the history of spiritual life on its moral as 
well as on its intellectual side. His philosophy was 
far-reaching, alike in practice and in theory. For he 
completely divided the universe into two aspects, that 
of the world of actual experience, where necessity 
reigned and science held its sway, and the other aspect 
of the moral world, where the cardinal principle was 
that of complete freedom and complete responsibility 
— " Thou canst because thou oughtst." Between 
science and religion there could be no conflict, for 

9 



each had its own sphere, and the two spheres were 
absolutely and scientifically marked off by a boundary 
line which could not really be crossed. But in the 
hands of Kant this distinction was to break down, 
and in the third of his Critiques — that of Judgment 
— he was driven to admit that, confronted by even 
that aspect of things with which experience through 
the senses furnishes us, we find ourselves driven be- 
yond the categories of mechanism to the qualification 
of causes by ends, and perhaps even by the supreme 
and ultimate fact of self-consciousness. Yet although 
this somewhat grudging admission was to be seized 
on by his successors, the value of his achievement in 
the Critical Philosophy was not thereby diminished. 
He had succeeded in raising the entire level — in 
bringing life into what had been a collection of dry 
bones. He had restored the worlds of moral obliga- 
tion and of beauty to their positions as real, though 
real in a different way from the world of mechanism. 
He had made for religion a place — within somewhat 
narrow limits of pure reason it is true — but still a 
place where it could find a firm foundation and base 
a claim to authority which science could not shake. 
And by doing all this he had made possible a further 
great work, that of the poets and the idealists who 
were to dominate German thought for the first half 
of the nineteenth century, and to exercise a profound 
influence beyond the confines of Germany. 

THE SUBSEQUENT DEVELOPMENT OF GERMAN 
PHILOSOPHY 

In the hands of Fichte, Schelling, and finally of 
Hegel, the Kantian philosophy was profoundly trans- 
formed. A more widely embracing meaning was 
given to self-consciousness. Within its closed circle 
the entire universe was brought as under a supreme 
and final conception, and brought as a connected 
whole. Thought and feeling were no longer sepa- 
rated as though independent existences, but were dis- 

10 



played as partial aspects of a single movement of 
mind. The categories of intelligence were extended 
in their scope and given an organic relation, co-ex- 
tensive with the entire content of self-consciousness, in 
which they found their meaning and completion. The 
object world was looked on as real in the same sense 
as the subject world, and both as arising by distinc- 
tion within self-consciousness itself. God was re- 
garded as imminent, as a spirit to be worshiped in 
spirit and in truth, and not as an unknowable First 
Cause. Science, morality, art, religion, were all as- 
signed to their parts in the movement of divine and 
infinite self-consciousness which was ever realizing 
itself in finite forms such as that of the individual 
man. Yet that divine and infinite self-consciousness 
was shown to imply for its realization the form of 
the finite, just as, on its part, the finite had its foun- 
dation and reality in God and God alone. Because the 
higher categories of self-consciousness, outside of 
which there was no meaning, even for God himself, 
were above those of the mechanism of which they 
were at once the completion as well as the presupposi- 
tion, no question of freedom arose. For the ultimate 
reality was spiritual, and it is of the essence of spirit 
to be free. 

Such was the movement of the early part of the 
nineteenth century on its philosophical side. It was 
carried no doubt to great lengths and excesses. But 
it was destined to influence history profoundly, and, 
as a first step, a great practical proof of the reality of 
its foundations appeared almost at once in the world 
of art. The spirit of idealism was presently found 
to be one which had extended beyond the philos- 
ophers. Goethe and Schiller practiced and taught in 
another shape the same great principles. They too 
passed beyond Kant, and passed in the same direc- 
tion as his successors in the schools of philosophy. 
Now that direction was not, as is often erroneously 
said, from the living and concrete to the abstract and 
lifeless. It has frequently been made a reproach, not 

II 



only against German philosophy, but against Goethe 
himself, that the highest and most abiding element in 
human activity, the spiritual and living, was ignored 
in the teaching of this time. To-day the reproach has 
been brought forward, as regards German ideaHsm 
generally, in a definite form, and before an audience 
such as this the reproach ought not to be passed by 
in silence. The late Professor James of Harvard and 
M. Bergson, already referred to, and one of the most 
distinguished of living philosophers, have elaborated 
it. In two of his books, " Les donnees immediates de 
la Conscience " and " L'Evolution Creatrice," M. 
Bergson has drawn a sharp distinction between knowl- 
edge, which he declares to be always abstract and 
confined to representation of what are really spatial 
relations, and the direct consciousness of creative evo- 
lution in a real time. To the latter he refers us for 
the *' elan " which is the true explanation -of the de- 
velopment both of the living world and of conscious 
mind itself. Bergson's doctrine has been laid hold of 
as something wholly new, and as putting investiga- 
tion on a quite fresh track. And his doctrine is stated 
not only in a new form, but with a wealth of scientific 
knowledge and a lucidity of expression which justify 
for it a claim to genuine originality. Yet the doctrine 
of an inherent impulse, such as this great French 
thinker seeks to establish, is in itself no new one. 
German idealism itself at one time laid great em- 
phasis on it. Schopenhauer has left no school to 
carry on his teaching and his books are to-day much 
less in evidence than they once were. But he, too, 
found in knowledge but a derivative phenomenon of 
a deeper lying nisus, which underlay the nature of 
things and constituted their ultimate reality. Unlike 
Bergson he considered Time to be merely a subjec- 
tive form. In agreement with Bergson, he regarded 
abstract Space as being little more. But for him, also, 
the ultimately real, that into which all else can be 
resolved, while it is itself incapable of being resolved 
at all, was not knowledge. Like Kant, whose true 

12 



successor he claimed to be, he declined to recognize 
the domain of knowledge as absolute, but he went 
further and resolved it into something deeper than 
itself. This he called " Will/' and yet in the end he 
was able to tell us of its nature, of the nisus or 
striving of Will, no more than Bergson has been able 
to tell us of his " creative impulse." It is the less 
curious that German idealism should have assigned, 
in the minds of certain of its disciples, a subordinate 
reality to knowledge, when we reflect that not only 
had Kant suggested an awareness of a raw material 
of sensation as an irreducible element in cognition, 
but that Schelling and his school had, later on, found 
the key to the discovery of the nature of ultimate 
reality, not in knowledge, but in what Schelling called 
" Intellectual Intuition," and in the somewhat obscure 
notion of an Absolute which Hegel was presently to 
deride as " the night in which all cows look black." 

THE REAL CHARACTER OF GERMAN INTELLECTUALISM 

It has been said with truth that wherever there 
arises a great movement such as that of German ideal- 
ism, it is in danger, if its preachers do not watch 
closely, of degenerating into an abstract intellectual- 
ism, a tendency to reduce the being of the universe to 
what has been called " a ballet of bloodless cate- 
gories." The strength of such intellectualism is that 
it insists resolutely, as against such critics as Schelling 
and Schopenhauer and M. Bergson alike, that words 
are useless unless an exact meaning can be attached 
to them, and that such a meaning can be assigned 
only in terms of knowledge. Esse becomes in the 
end co-extensive with intelligi. But, on the other 
hand, the weakness of such idealism is that in the 
treatment of it by any but the greatest writers it 
tends to get out of hand. Apparently it need not do 
so. In its highest forms German idealism did not 
separate thought from feeling as if they were sepa- 
rate existences. On the contrary they were for it 

13 



only correlative aspects of one single reality, the ac- 
tual and living content of self-consciousness. In no 
form of self-conscious activity was identity to be 
found except in and through difference. Thought is 
no mere faculty of abstract identification. Hegel him- 
self adopted the supposed Aristotelian maxim " Nihil 
est in intellectu quod non fuerit in sensu." " The con- 
tents of our consciousness/' he says, " remain one 
and the same, whether they are felt, seen, represented, 
or willed, and whether they are merely felt or felt 
with an admixture of thoughts, or merely and simply 
thought." We thus reach a conclusion which will 
prove to be of importance for the general purpose of 
this address. The true tendency of the idealism of 
Germany in the early part of the nineteenth century 
was in the direction of regarding the real as concrete 
and living, and as immediate for consciousness just 
as much as mediated in reflection. It is, therefore, 
not surprising that, to begin with, in the great poets 
of the period we find this characteristic markedly 
prominent. Schopenhauer, over whom Goethe had 
exercised much influence, recognized it. Both he and 
Hegel agreed with Goethe's great doctrine: 

" Natur hat weder Kern noch Schale, 
Alles ist sie mit einem Male." 



GOETHE 

With Goethe this was no empty saying. In his 
scientific work and his poetry alike he never failed 
to insist on it. Nature was for him something living, 
and reality was this living process. The notion of 
creative evolution, to use M. Bergson's phrase, was 
the key to his researches into the metamorphoses of 
plants and to his general ideas of morphology. The 
conception of a rigid mechanical universe was abhor- 
rent to him. When he wishes Mephistopheles to 
mock at the student, he makes him say: 

14 



" Wer will was Lebendig's erkennen und be- 
schreiben, 
Sucht erst den Geist heraus zu treiben, 
Dann hat er die Teile in seiner Hand, 
Fehlt leider nur das geistige Band; 
Eneheiresin naturae nennt's die Chemie, 
Spottet ihrer selbst und weiss nicht wie." 

It is the same throughout. Life was for Goethe the 
grand feature of the objective universe, and observa- 
tion and not abstract scientific classification was the 
way to come at it. That is one reason why he excelled 
in lyric verse. In his lyrics he hardly ever writes a 
line that does not embody the sense of life. His 
maxim for mankind he puts in his " Faust " into the 
lips of the Deity when he makes him, in the pro- 
logue, apostrophize men thus: 

" Doch ihr, die echten Gottersohne, 
Erfreut euch der lebendig reichen Schone. 
Das Werdende, das ewig wirkt und lebt, 
Umfass euch mit der Liebe holden Schranken, 
Und was in schwankender Erscheinung schwebt, 
Befestiget mit dauernden Gedanken." 

To me these words seem to be not only profoundly 
characteristic of the idealistic thought of Germany at 
the highest point it touched. We shall see presently 
how the principle was to be applied in the practical 
life of the State. 

I am aware that as regards the philosophical devel- 
opment what I have expressed is not the common 
opinion. But reflection on what the great German 
idealists wrote has made me think that this is the true 
view, and I refer to it here because it bears on what 
comes after. There is no incompatibility between the 
passion for concrete and living reality, and the passion 
for exhibiting it in a system. Goethe himself had a 
thoroughly systematic mind, and, as some of you at 
Oxford have pointed out, Hegel was behind no phi- 
losopher, ancient or modern, in his resolute refusal to 
separate thought from things, the abstract from the 

15 



concrete, the continuous from the discrete, and Being 
from Becoming. 

SYSTEM IN GERMAN NATIONAL LIFE 

System then, system necessarily in its first aspect 
abstract, but system that has its beginning and end in 
concrete Hfe, this was the intellectual inheritance of 
the German nation from the philosophers and poets 
of the early nineteenth century. Some one once said 
" Without Goethe, no Bismarck." It seems to me 
that this saying is true. But its author might have 
added that without the great German thinkers there 
would also have been no Scharnhorst, no Clausewitz, 
no Roon and no Moltke. There is hardly anything 
in the history of modern Germany that illustrates 
more thoroughly what has been called " the wonderful 
might of thought " than the capacity it has developed 
for organization. An especially fine illustration is the 
organization of the German military system. It began 
after the battle of Jena. Prior to that catastrophe 
German generals had ceased to think. They had been 
content to adhere blindly to the traditions they had in- 
herited from Frederick the Great. But these tradi- 
tions belonged to a system which was of the past, and 
was bound up with the personality of an almost unique 
leader — one who could do almost what he liked with 
his army, and who had fashioned his strategy and his 
tactics and his Staff, not for all time, but to deal with 
the special problem of his period, the problem which 
he had in his day to solve. 

In the pages of Von Treitschke's " Bilder," and 
especially in the chapter called " Der Anfang des Be- 
f reiungskrieges " the story is told of how the change 
came about. Von Treitschke was a great writer of 
history. He describes with a vividness which re- 
calls Macaulay to the English student. He is never 
more in his element than when he is depicting the up- 
rising against Napoleon in 1813. He tells us first of 
all of the inspiration of Prussia by her statesmen, her 
soldiers, her thinkers, and her poets. He draws the 

16 



picture of a nation penetrated by enthusiasm and de- 
termination in every rank and every phase of life. 
He describes how the national energy was directed 
and organized by great military leaders like Scharn- 
horst and Bliicher. And then he tells how a great 
army was rapidly created, apparently by the people 
themselves, with a single purpose, that of delivering 
Prussia from the yoke of the oppressor. The narra- 
tive never flags, the historian remains at his high level 
throughout. Napoleon is in the end driven out of 
Germany ; then peace follows. For the rest we do not 
need to turn to the pages of any particular author. 
The inspiration of the spirit of victory passed into a 
series of diverse writers. Clausewitz shows us to 
what a high point of literary as well as scientific excel- 
lence a great military critic can attain. The idealist 
commentators on the history of the State show the 
profound effect which a successful effort at self-deliv- 
erance can exercise over even the most abstract of 
philosophers. Everywhere German thought at this 
period discloses the surroundings of the thinkers, and 
the reality of the conception of the State which was 
prevalent. The individual finds his best and highest 
life as a citizen in the nation to which he belongs. We 
have traveled far from the comparatively recent teach- 
ing of Kant. The general will has become much more 
prominent than the individual will, and Government 
has revealed itself as the dominant fact. 

THE TRANSITION PERIOD 

This state of mind could not last, but it is a tribute 
to German tenacity in holding to conceptions that it 
was to change as little as it did. There came next a 
period in which the abstract views of the school of 
the Left prevailed over the school of the Right wing. 
It is not easy to realize that in founding a revolution- 
ary movement Marx and Lasalle believed themselves 
to be carrying the torch which Hegel had kindled. 
But they did believe it. The new Aufklarung held the 

17 



field for a considerable time. Germany gradually 
turned from idealism to science, and in a less but still 
marked degree to Socialism. Her literature became 
insignificant and her philosophy lost its hold. But in 
science she became stronger than ever, and in the 
faculty of business organization strongest of all. This 
was natural. Nothing so recalls a people to serious 
practical purposes as war does, with the havoc which 
it plays with individual life, and Prussia had a suc- 
cession of wars. They culminated in 1870, and Bis- 
marck then was free to turn his attention to industrial 
and social organization. Whatever criticism may be 
passed on the policy Germany thought out and 
adopted, at least it was a policy which had been care- 
fully considered. Since the days of Friedrich List 
the avowed purpose of the prevailing school of econo- 
mists in Germany had been to subordinate economic 
to national considerations, and above all to the end of 
German unification. This was the line which Bis- 
marck in the main consistently pursued. For this 
purpose he introduced into the life of the people or- 
ganization wherever he could. In education, in mili- 
tary training, in her poor law, Germany began to stand 
out more and more among the nations. Naturally a 
process so far-reaching as that which Bismarck de- 
veloped was sure to be attended by its nemesis in the 
shape of reaction. And reaction came. The social 
democrats on the one hand, writers like Nietsche on 
the other, and the modern spirit, in the shape of a 
freely expressed criticism of the German school sys- 
tem for the narrowness of the type it produced, were 
inevitable. To glance in passing at the illustration 
which German education affords, it is odd to reflect 
that Eton and Harrow, institutions which many peo- 
ple here do not regard as free from grave defects, 
have become much thought of in educational circles 
in Germany. And why? Not for the learning they 
impart, but because in these and other great public 
schools in England the real rulers are seen to be the 
boys themselves, and the tendency is to produce indi- 

18 



viduality and the qualities which go to the making of 
leaders of men. 

THE INFLUENCE OF GERMAN EXAMPLES 

In these as in other matters it is only by estimating 
things on balance that reliable conclusions can be 
reached. The German system of education has many 
advantages and certain disadvantages. These last 
can be mitigated if something of the English Public 
School spirit can be introduced into Germany with- 
out sacrificing the enormous advantage she has over 
us in the organization in other respects of her sec- 
ondary schools. It is the same with many other in- 
stitutions. It is not an unmixed good to a country 
to be overgoverned, and Germany is still probably too 
much governed for that free development of indi- 
viduality which is characteristic of life here and in 
the United States. But this must not be taken to 
mean that the order which prevails in so many de- 
partments of German social life is not a great advan- 
tage to her, and one which ought, as far as possible, 
to be preserved if she ever, in her constitutional de- 
velopment, approximates more nearly to our models. 
In many ways we ourselves are rapidly adopting, 
with the* modifications that the national habit of mind 
makes inevitable, German examples. I do not mean 
only in such fields as that of National Insurance, al- 
though that is not a bad illustration, but in other 
directions. I am at present much occupied as Chair- 
man of a Royal Commission that is sitting on Uni- 
versity Education in London, and I am much struck 
by the growing influence of German University meth- 
ods that is apparent in the evidence of the numerous 
expert witnesses we have examined. In this direction 
and in technical education the Teutonic spirit is mov- 
ing among us, but moving in a fashion that is on the 
whole our own. And, on the other hand, Germany 
herself is learning something from us. She is study- 
ing our methods of colonial development and ap- 
plying them. And she is watching what is a char- 

19 



acteristic feature of our national life, our vigorous 
local government. Moreover, she is herself altering 
in her habits of thought and feehng. The period of 
materialism and of reaction from idealism seems to 
be passing. The negative influence of Schopenhauer 
and Nietsche seems to be spending itself. Nothing 
very definite has yet emerged in the form of a pre- 
vailing characteristic. But it is well to note that 
there are indications in many directions of a revival 
of the influence of the outlook on life of Goethe and 
the great idealists. 

WINDELBAND ON MORE RECENT DEVELOPMENT 

Two years ago a book appeared in Germany which 
contained several things which impressed me a good 
deal. It was a reprint of five addresses delivered by 
one of the best-known of modern historians of philos- 
ophy and literature — Professor Windelband, of Hei- 
delberg. In this work, which he published under the 
title of " Die Philosophic im Deutschen Geistesleben 
des 19. Jahrhunderts," Professor Windelband traces 
the course of German thought, in the poets as well 
as the metaphysicians and moralists, through the cen- 
tury that is just over. He shows how the creed of 
Romanticism had its form profoundly modified by the 
growth of a demand for a practical application to life. 
" Die Forderung der Tat," he says, became, " wirk- 
lich der Weisheit letzter Schluss zu dem sich die 
Philosophic wie die Dichtung bekannte." He points 
out that, just as Schleiermacher tried to give religion 
a practical significance for the lives and deeds of edu- 
cated people, so Hegel summoned them from their 
dreams to realize themselves in the performance of 
their duties to the State. This fruitful period was 
succeeded by one of materialism and pessimism, 
which again, under Positivist habits of mind, gave 
way to the standpoint of science, and especially of 
psychology. The larger significance of the historical 
method was forgotten. " Just at the moment," says 

20 



the professor, " when we Germans had begun to 
make history, we ceased to wish to know anything 
of history." The powerful personaHty of a man of 
genius, Bismarck, had created the German Empire; 
his call for the exercise of a national will found a 
response in all directions, and the impulse to volition 
rather than speculation, to action and creation, be- 
came dominant. "Wir wissen zu viel, wir wollen zu 
wenig. Aus dem Lernvolk soil ein Tatvolk werden " ; 
so people began to declare all round. 

But at this stage Windelband points out that a new 
tendency made itself felt. Democracy seemed to be- 
gin to move with giant strides. The masses realized 
that for the attainment of practical results knowledge 
was power, and the schoolmaster a veritable leveler 
up. The workmen demanded participation in what 
had been the privilege of leadership of the classes. 
Social problems became increasingly attractive; and 
there was apparent a tendency to regard it as pos- 
sible to look on all men as alike who had attained 
to a certain standard of learning. 

This tendency, he says, produced an almost imme- 
diate reaction. The fear arose that the unique value 
and quality of personality might be overlooked, and 
even lost to the nation. Personality in thought, in 
art, in action, had been the main source of the 
strength of the German nation, and now it seemed 
that a movement was on foot to reduce individuality 
to a dead level on the demand of the masses. He 
tells us how the protest against this demand assumed 
its first form in art, and how the strongest expres- 
sion of the struggle of individuality to free itself 
from the crushing and leveling power of the masses 
came from Nietsche. This, he says, was the secret 
of the hold which Nietsche got over great numbers 
of his countrymen. But Nietsche's was a too brutal 
insistence on the right of the "overman " to dominate. 
It was an " Umwertung aller Werte." It confused 
the national ideas of value and moral worth, and it 
could not last. A yet more modern tendency has, de- 

21 



dares the professor, set in in Germany. The demand 
has been made that philosophy shall show the way 
to a better and more real appreciation of moral val- 
ues of a permanent kind, the kind that has, amid the 
changing interests of the period, an abiding founda- 
tion in a higher spiritual reality. The rule of the 
masses has increased and is increasing so far as the 
things of outward life are concerned. What is 
needed is a strong and heightened personal life that 
can win back and preserve its own spiritual inward- 
ness. Thus there is apparent in Germany a new ten- 
dency to return to the great systems of idealism which 
have proclaimed the spiritual foundation of all real- 
ity. It is not with the transitory forms of the old 
effort at logical construction that educated opinion is 
concerning itself. The abstract formulas of the old 
metaphysic no longer interest the general student. 
But he has begun to realize once more the splendid 
and convincing power with which the great German 
thinkers disentangled from a mass of historical ma- 
terial the permanent basis of moral and intellectual 
values, and brought to the general consciousness a 
significance in- these values that was beyond the level 
of what is transitory or merely utilitarian. The re- 
lation of the self-conscious and self-developing indi- 
vidual to the community is the new problem, and the 
great question is how the infinite value of the in- 
dividual inner life, and the claims of the society of 
which the individual is a member and on which he 
is dependent are to be reconciled. This is the task 
which modern Germany has set to philosophy and art, 
and on the solution they offer will depend the ques- 
tion whether they are considered worthy of their 
mission. 

DEMOCRACY IN GERMANY AND ENGLAND 

Such is the view of modern Germany set before 
us by Professor Windelband as lately as two years 
ago. With us in Great Britain the state of things 
is not quite the same. Democracy is no doubt ad- 

2.2 



vancing, and with even greater strides than across 
the German ocean. But although there is a growing 
demand for education there is, I think, a greater dis- 
position here among the masses to regard the man 
who already possesses it as in a class apart. It is a 
possession less familiar to our people. They have 
never been led by fighting philosophers such as were 
Marx and Lasalle. The professors of political econ- 
omy do not come on the side of the movement 
towards Socialism as freely as is the case in Ger- 
many. Nor, on the other hand, is the cry against 
sociaHstic legislation a battle cry of our political strife 
to anything like the same extent. And yet the two 
democracies have, in vital points, such as the desire 
that the State should insist on better conditions of 
life for those who work with their hands, much in 
common. It is one of the most reliable foundations 
for the hope of better and more intimate relations 
between the two countries in the days to come that 
this should be so. The German democracy would 
doubtless follow its rulers to war, as would in all 
probability the democracy here. But both democra- 
cies are more and more influencing the policy of these 
rulers, as the German Chancellor pointed out in a 
speech made not long ago, and neither democracy 
regards war in any other light than that of a calamity. 
A marked and growing interest in pressing forward 
the demand for the solution of social problems is a 
guarantee of peace. The more intimate the knowl- 
edge of each other's affairs becomes in the case of 
the two nations, the better for everybody. But the 
process cannot be a very rapid one. The difference 
of temperament is partly racial and partly due to 
other reasons. 

MUTUAL FORBEARANCE 

I have tried to disentangle the genesis and growth 
of some differences of mental habit and tradition 
which make it difficult for Englishmen and Germans 
fully to understand each other. If my analysis is 

23 



even approximately right, there is room for the citi- 
zens of both countries to become less keenly conscious 
than at present of each other's infirmities. In the 
great mission of civilizing the world, in its commer- 
cial and industrial development, in the production and 
exchange of goods, in science, in literature, in art, the 
two nations have many opportunities and aptitudes 
in common. Theirs is a mission and a duty in the 
discharge of which rivalry might well be stingless. It 
were a thousand pities if peaceful cooperation in work 
so manifold and so great, and so much in the inter- 
est of the world as a whole, were marred or even im- 
peded by unnecessary suspicions. And yet the mar- 
ring and the hindering are often to be witnessed. 
They arise mainly from what is the source of most 
of the evils of life — ignorance and want of forbear- 
ance. Given fuller knowledge, and that capacity for 
self-restraint should quickly and surely operate which 
among educated races generally checks the tendencies 
to diverge coming from difference of temperament. 
Still even this capacity cannot always be reckoned on. 
There are many Englishmen and Germans who have 
knowledge, and who practice this self-restraint. But 
there are still more, even among the highly educated 
classes, who in varying degrees fail to do so. I have 
seen a good many illustrations of mischief arising 
from the want of the practice. Some of those that 
were least important in themselves have left with me 
the most vivid impressions. I have witnessed in busi- 
ness relations the shortcoming in this respect of able 
men of both countries. I used to see it in the days 
when I was at the bar, and I now sometimes see the 
same shortcoming illustrated in public affairs. I have 
noticed cases in which Germans have misjudged the 
meaning of British policy. And I have observed 
English politicians at times apt either unduly to sus- 
pect the supposed particular intentions of German 
statesmen, or alternatively to think that good may be 
done by indulging in vague and sentimental appeals 
to them. Now German policy is largely influenced 

24 



by Prussia. It is the habit of mind of Prussians to 
begin by defining a principle and then to test every- 
thing by it. They are not fond of gush, and are sur- 
prised if anyone doubts that the natural point of 
departure should naturally be to lay down clearly as 
a preliminary to discussion what they hold to be the 
interest of Germany. It is well to realize this habit 
of thought, and to take account of it. To ignore it 
is only to get ourselves misunderstood and probably 
supposed to be concealing some hidden counter poHcy. 
German habits of thinking in abstract terms, even 
when dealing with the most immediate and practical 
affairs , and of looking for principles everywhere, 
make things at times trying for those who have not 
this useful if difficult habit of mind in the same 
degree. 

DIFFICULTIES IN MUTUAL UNDERSTANDING 

Then the German language is another cause of hin- 
drance to Englishmen. It is in a high measure pre- 
cise, but it does not lend itself like French, or even 
like English, to the expression of nuances. And when 
it appears in a translation, the nuances are generally 
not there at all, and the meaning is apt to seem harsh. 
I wish all our politicians w^ho concern themselves with 
Anglo-German relations, those who are pro-German 
as well as those who are not, could go to Berlin and 
learn something, not only of the language and intel- 
lectual history of Prussia, but of the standpoint of 
her people, and of the disadvantages as well as the 
advantages of an excessive lucidity of conception. 
Nowhere else in Germany that I know of is this to 
be studied so advantageously and so easily as in Ber- 
lin, the seat of Government, the headquarters of Real- 
politik, and it seems to me most apparent among the 
highly educated classes there. It would be a good 
thing to get more understanding of personal equa- 
tions than is current amongst us Englishmen. If 
judges and merchants and diplomatists can be led into 
wrong impressions, how much more are the multi- 

25 



tudes here, who have no direct knowledge of foreign 
habits of mind, likely to make mistakes. And what 
is true of us is true of the Germans themselves. We 
also have some admirable qualities which are obscured 
by our other characteristics. It requires life among 
us and knowledge of our ways and of our language 
to disentangle the true relation and character of these 
qualities. If the process is once started it is not 
difficult to continue. Frenchmen and Russians now 
appreciate us more than they did, simply because im- 
proved international relations have at last led them 
to look for our good qualities rather than to look on 
our deficiencies. A similar change for the better has 
even now come over our relations with our relatives 
in the United States. What an excellent thing it 
would be for the peace of the world if the process 
were to set in all round, so that just as we and the 
French and the Russians and the Americans have 
found a strong inclination to look for and believe in 
the best in each other, the same tendency were to set 
in as between the Germans and ourselves. There is 
no apparently insuperable reason why in forming a 
new friendship we should not carry on other and 
older friendships, and carry them with us into the 
new one to the profit of everyone concerned. Such 
a change might not supersede considerations of self- 
defense, but its tendency would probably be in the 
direction of lightening the financial burdens which 
these entail. 

What is wanted is, then, education in mutual un- 
derstanding. That is why this gathering at Oxford 
is of more than local importance. I can think of few 
things more desirable for the world at this moment 
than that England and Germany should come to un- 
derstand each other. But such mutual understanding 
is not possible excepting on the basis of study and 
the knowledge that is born of it. On the whole, I 
think we are more deficient in this study than are the 
Germans. They know our literature and our history 
much better than we do theirs. Shakespeare and 

26 



Scott are almost as familiar to them as they are to 
ourselves. For one Briton that can read and speak 
German there are five Germans that can read and 
speak English. On the other hand, they seem to me 
to know almost less of our way of looking at things 
than we do of theirs. We are not really a nation 
than conceals deep-laid plans and selfish schemes un- 
der the guise of obscurity in word and deed. We 
do not seek, as of set principle and purpose, to annex 
more and more of the surface of the earth in advance 
of all others. What we have actually done in this 
direction we have done, not as the outcome of any 
preconceived and thought-out policy, but because for 
a long time we were the only people on the spot, and 
because at the moment it was the obvious thing to do 
and we were the only people ready to do it. Germany 
seems to me to have had one particular piece of ill 
luck, the misfortune of having been born as a nation 
a hundred years late in the world's history. The fact 
has modified the form of what otherwise would have 
been her mode of development. But it need not ma- 
terially hamper her progress. She is already one of 
the greatest nations in the world in virtue of char- 
acter and intellectual endowment. Her power of 
organization is unrivaled. She has high standards 
of excellence in her methods and great aptitude for 
what is actual and concrete. She is penetrating 
everywhere and to the profit of mankind. Nothing is 
likely to keep her back, and I think I may add that 
nothing is so likely to smooth her path as really frank 
and easy relations, in commerce, in politics, in soci- 
ety, with this country. For some of us — a great 
many of us — ^believe that the greater the trade and 
commerce of Germany the greater will be our trade 
and commerce. Cooperation in development is a 
great factor for all concerned. 

THE GERMAN LANGUAGE 

No doubt there are subjective difficulties. I have 
already referred to those occasioned by the barrier 

27 



erected by the peculiarities of the German language. 
It possesses advantages, but it also possesses disad- 
vantages, and causes somewhat of a gulf between the 
German and his foreign neighbors. One cannot, how- 
ever appreciative one may be of things German, but 
make certain complaints of this language. The verb 
is remote from the substantive and is a sore trial to 
the foreigner. The Gothic type and the Kursiv- 
schrift are oppressions to the foreign eye. In the 
hands of a bad writer this language is a burden even 
to the student. Carlyle himself, a real admirer of 
German hterature, has to say in his " Frederick the 
Great," that '' German to this day is a frightful dia- 
lect for the stupid, the pedant, and dullard sort. Only 
in the hands of the gifted does it become supremely 
good." But I sometimes think that even the Germans 
themselves do not appreciate the power that is latent 
in their language of being made admirable for all 
purposes when the pen is that of a great master of 
style. I do not speak of the lyric. We all know that 
for the purposes of lyrical poetry German has hardly 
a rival. I speak of prose. I refer for an illustation 
to Heinrich Heine. When I visit Diisseldorf it is 
with sadness that I see no mark to show that the 
town is proud of its association with his name. He 
was trying at times. He laughed at his countrymen. 
But then he laughed at us Englishmen also, and per- 
haps he laughed most of all at the French. He really 
knew and loved Germany, and yet Germany can 
hardly be said to appreciate him, and this, the fact 
notwithstanding that he wrote German prose as per- 
haps no other ever has. We have learned to marvel 
at the young Goethe, who, before he was twenty-six, 
had produced much of his greatest work — the Ur- 
faust, Goetz, Werther, and some of the finest of his 
lyrics. But of Heine we hear little in Germany. I 
think it is a sign of a certain want of open-mindedness 
that Germany does not fully appreciate this unique 
figure — the man who knew so much and said it so dis- 
tinctly in such perfect words. In Heine Sainte-Beuve 

28 



has his rival in delicacy of appreciation. The lan- 
guage of Renan is not more exquisitely graceful and 
precise. And yet there is, so far as I know, no im- 
portant memorial to him in Germany — not even in 
Diisseldorf, his birthplace. 

CONCLUSION 

We are all prone to the unconsciousness which 
comes from being narrow, we here in England at 
least as much as our neighbors. We overlook, for in- 
stance, that in the nineteenth century we produced 
two literary figures and two only of European repu- 
tation — Byron and Scott. Byron never attained to 
maturity, and Scott is full of padding. So is Goethe, 
for that matter, at least the Goethe of later life. But 
Germany in the end of the eighteenth and the begin- 
ning of the nineteenth century had her Elizabethan 
age, so far as literature and philosophy were con- 
cerned. How much poorer would the whole world 
be but for this period of German Hfe in which she 
for the time outstripped every other country ! Yet 
even then she indulged in tendencies which needed 
correction, and if she had listened to Heinrich Heine 
they might have been corrected and the outlook 
enlarged. And now the revanche is in progress, much 
as Heine predicted, and, looking at the German rail- 
Avay bookstalls, I can see that a Gallic spirit is ad- 
vancing on Berlin. It need not have been so, and it 
should not have been so, and Heine told of a better 
way. Had his counsel been listened to there ought 
to have been no Nietsche period — so at least it seems 
to a foreigner. 

I repeat that we English are apt to be narrow. We 
provoke the world by our apparent unconsciousness 
of the transitory nature of national institutions. 
Change is the order of the day. What will the world 
be like a hundred years hence? No one can foresee. 
Can the centralized Russian Empire hold together in 
the face of the march of civilization and the progress 

29 



of Japan and China also? Will not these countries 
afford examples which will be followed outside their 
own boundaries? Will the German Empire a hun- 
dred years hence be anything like what it is to-day? 
And how will it be with the British Empire? Few 
people suppose that, even if George the Third had 
not been foolish, the United States would have re- 
mained bound up with us and subject to a centralized 
Government. Some of us are quite aware that with 
Canada and Australia and New Zealand and South 
Africa the same difficulty might well arise unless great 
care is taken. Few people now talk of a rigid system 
of Imperial Federation on the old lines of a quarter 
of a century since. The proposition would be an 
anachronism and too dangerous. If Canada, for ex- 
ample, were to develop eighty millions of a popula- 
tion, could we remain with her under any sort of 
apparently written or rigid system ? Possibly ! It all 
depends how elastic the system really was, how light 
the rein of Common Government, and how complete 
the autonomy of the Canadians. By learning to see 
things as others see them we may put off, perhaps for 
an indefinite period, days which, if there were con- 
straint or lack of intelligence, would be inevitable. 
And that is why we do well to study the lesson of 
how to understand our neighbors all round, those who 
speak English and those who speak German, and to 
try to correct certain insular traits of mind which are 
characteristic of us. 

The Greeks used to say that the knowledge of self 
is the hardest to gain of all kinds of knowledge, and 
this is as true of nations as it is of individuals. But 
it is surely worth while to make the effort to gain 
the knowledge. For it may help us to secure that in 
the particular case we are considering, that of Ger- 
many and Great Britain, neither of two great nations 
shall fail to realize the magnitude of its responsibility 
for the understanding and appreciation of the other. 

London, England. 

30 



LIST OF PUBLICATIONS 

Nos. 1-48, inclusive (April, 1907-November, 191 1). Including 
papers by Baron d'EstoumeUes de Constant, George Trumbull 
Ladd, Elihu Root, Barrett Wendell, Charles E. Jefferson, Seth 
Low, William James, Andrew Carnegie, Philander C. Knox, Pope 
Pius X, and others. A list of titles and authors will be sent on 
application. 

Special Bulletin: The Dawn of World Peace, by William How- 
ard Taft, President of the United States. November, 191 1. 

In German: Deutschland und Grossbritannien ; eine Studie 
uber Nationale Eigentiimlichkeiten, by Lord Haldane. 

49. The Anglo-American Arbitration Treaty, by Heinrich 
Lammasch; and Forces Making for International Conciliation 
and Peace, by Jackson H. Ralston. December, 191 1. 

Special Bulletin: Address at Peace Diimer, December 30, by 
Andrew Carnegie. December, 191 1. 

50. Finance and Commerce : Their Relation to International 
Good Will; A Collection of Papers by Sereno S. Pratt, Isaac N. 
Seligman, E. H. Outerbridge, Thomas F. Woodlock, and George 
Paish. January, 1912. 

51. Do the Arts Make for Peace? by Frank Jewett Mather, 
Jr. February, 1912. 

52. An Anthropologist's View of War, by Franz Boas. 
March, 19 12. 

Special Bulletin: Great Britain and Germany; A Study in Nation- 
al Characteristics, by Lord Haldane. March, 191 2. 

Up to the Hmit of the editions printed, any one of the above 
wiU be sent postpaid upon receipt of a request addressed to the 
Secretary of the American Association for International Con- 
ciliation, Postoffice Sub-station 84, New York, N. Y. 

A small edition of a monthly bibliography of articles having to 
do with international matters is also pubHshed and distributed 
to libraries, magazines and newspapers. 



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